By Mandy Sadan
Drawing on long-term fieldwork and study in groups from Assam via to Laos, this publication bargains a distinct point of reappraisal of the paintings of Edmund Leach and is an important contribution to the improvement of a brand new neighborhood anthropology of Southeast Asia.
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Yet, within the latter example, it's transparent that (I as soon as spoke with Stevenson approximately it and he assented), even though there has been not anyone leader of Tashon, there have been numerous self-proclaimed chiefs in Tashon, as additionally in Hakha. within the xxvi f. okay. l. chit hlaing (f. okay. lehman) Kachin gumlao case, the very time period gumlao indicates whatever comparable; for, gum is an honoriÀc preÀx, that is used on a verb simply in case the understood or expressed topic is in reality claiming aristocratic prestige! certainly, you can consult with a pacesetter of this sort as Gumlao Du or Gumlao Magam, i. e. , as a ‘Gumlao leader ’. As with the Chin approach of Hakha or Tashon, this type of leader dependent his powers on his regulate of networks of fans and tributaries instead of the declare to ‘own’ a tract of land. Therewith, there got here into being in speciÀc ancient conditions within the past due eighteenth century (involving alterations within the phrases and quantity of cross-border exchange with China, and the concomitant upsurge within the extension of opium cultivation by way of linked upland peoples [see, e. g. , Fiskesjö 2000]), a brand new resource-base for claims to chieftainship. at present, this number of social service provider prolonged itself as a mechanism allowing non-inheriting sons of ‘classical’ sort chiefs (whose pursuits to procure chieÁy prestige often made them socially challenging characters at least) to set up themselves in new territories, because the Kachins moved forcefully east and southeast into Shan-controlled territory. most vital within the current context, it used to be commonplace for such Gumlao Du finally to decide upon ritual sponsorship by means of a classical Gumchying Gumsa leader, with a view to develop into one of many latter themselves (I take care of this in Lehman 1989). With the inÁation all this brought on within the ritual method, it additionally happened ‘classical’ variety leader may Ànd it handy to give up his thigh-eating claims and to show his realm right into a gumlao chieftaincy. 1 The upshot of this for current reasons is that, actually, there have been rather diversified oscillatory mechanisms: one among gumlao and gumchying gumsa, with the intermediate degree or case of gumrawng gumtsa, the opposite among gumlao and gumchying gumsa. basically, none of this is often smartly Àtted right into a Leachian version of “dynamic equilibrium”. extra rather nonetheless, neither does it help the declare that every one be subsumed less than an oscillation frequently in the direction of and clear of a Shan ‘pole’ version, the place ‘away from’ is dictated through the inherent contradiction among ‘ruler’ and ‘subject’ coming up within the Shan ‘model’, and the generalized kinship-and-alliance family members on which Kachin and different chiefs mostly established their authority over their manpower. this is often suitable simply 1 i have to in fact point out, although brieÁy, the Shan-Buddhist ideological inÁuences that have been usually appealed to in justiÀcation of renouncing thigh-eating claims (see Lehman 1970). creation xxvii to the oscillation among gumchying gumsa and gumlao. when it truly is too advanced to deal totally in those short feedback with the relationships which could result in the advance of chieftainship in upland ‘tribal’ societies while involved with neighbouring valley/lowland hegemonic kingdoms in Southeast Asia, it may be pointed out that it used to be commonplace for chieftainship to boost out of management in establishing alternate and/or raiding into the valleys.